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名人英語演講稿15篇

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名人英語演講稿15篇

名人英語演講稿1

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

名人英語演講稿2

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."

America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

名人英語演講稿3

Everyone is attracted by beauty and beauty is powerful. But what is true beauty? Perhaps you can get the answer from the following story.

This morning I went to the market to buy some vegetables with my parents. On the way we all highly praised a young man in western-style clothes and leather shoes who was riding by. But he rode so fast that he knocked an old lady down ead of stopping,he pretended not to see this and rode away quickly. We were all very angry with the young man. To our happiness,a girl in plain dress ran forward at once,helped the lady up and took her home. We all praised the girl.

From this we know we cannot judge a person by his appearance. A person who is dressed beautifully may not have a beautiful soul. Only a person who has a beautiful soul is really beautiful.

名人英語演講稿4

Doleva,Hall of Fame Executive Committee,ladies and gentlemen,good evening.

名人堂總裁約翰·多勒夫先生、女士們、先生們,晚上好。

When I heard that I was speaking first tonight,I thought that someone made a first speaker should be the great Allen Iverson.I need practice more than he does.

聽說今晚第一個發言,我以爲有人搞錯了。第一個發言的應該是偉大的阿倫·艾弗森。相比於他,我需要更多的練習。

First of all,I would like to thank you for giving me this great recognition has made tonight a most memorable moment for ough perhaps my career ended too soon,for me I treasure each and every moment.I am grateful for my time on the court,and for your recognition tonight.

首先,我要感謝給我如此殊榮,對我而言,你們的認可讓今晚成爲最難忘的時刻。儘管我的職業可能生涯結束的太早了,對我而言,我珍惜每一個時刻。我感謝我在球場上的時光,感謝今晚你們的認可。

I would like to thank my sponsors.

我要謝謝我的推介人。

Bill Russell.I remember that you invited me to dinner at your house in Seattle in my rookie evening,and all of your advice since,really built up my confidence and made me feel comfortable in a new country.

比爾·拉塞爾,我不會忘記在新秀季中,你邀請我到西雅圖家中進餐。那天晚上,以及此後你所有的建議,讓我在新的國度中建立信心,倍感輕鬆。

Bill supported me all the k you for your advice and were the first one who called me when I woke up from told me to stay positive.I will always remember that.

比爾·沃爾頓,你一直都支持着我,謝謝你的建議和鼓勵。我做手術醒來後,你第一個打電話給我。你告訴我要積極,我一直銘記在心。

Dikembe Mutombo.I put you last because you are the oldest of the played together for five years and had so many memories on and off the ing can break the bond between us—not even all those elbows you gave me in practice.

迪肯貝·穆託姆博,我最後提你,因爲你看起來是三人中最老的。我們五年間一起打球,在球場內外有許多回憶。沒有什麼能破壞我們的友誼,就算在訓練中你給了我不少“黑肘”。

譯註:相比82歲的拉塞爾,穆託姆博當然不是最老的,這是個玩笑,謠傳說他非洲老家計算年齡的辦法是每年在一棵樹上砍一刀,後來他到美國打球,回到老家後發現樹上刻滿了字,就推說記不住自己的年齡了。

As you know I am from China,and my journey began there.

大家知道我來自中國,我的旅程從那裏開始。

My parents were basketball players back in the 1970s.I heard so many great stories about them,about how they played and how good they importantly,so many people know how good they are as people.I am very fortunate to be your son.

我的父母是上世紀七十年代的籃球運動員,我聽過很多他們的故事,他們如何打球,更重要的,如何做個好人。作爲你們的兒子,我感到非常幸運

The gift I had from you was not only way you taught me how to think,how to make of course,my soft touch on the free throw h is why I had 10,000 free throws less than O'Neill.

你們賜予我的禮物不只是個頭兒,你們教會我如何思考,如何做出決定。當然還有罰球線上的柔和手感,這也是爲什麼我比奧尼爾少罰了10000個球。

My wife met when we were high school know how much you mean to k you for being my life lovely daughter Amy is a treasure to both of wish she could be here,but she is in her first week of she has to live with the consequences of choosing soccer over basketball...I'll fix that.

我的妻子葉莉也來到現場,我們在高中時認識的。你知道你對我有多重要,謝謝你成爲我生命中的伴侶。我們可愛的女兒艾米是我們共同的寶貝,很希望她今天也能來,但她開學第一週。她還要承擔選擇足球而非籃球的後果……我會把她扳回來的。

My basketball journey began on the back of coach Li Zhangmin’s bicycle when he gave me a ride to my very first practice on the basketball court.I would like to congratulate you on a very successful and very long career as you retire this k you for your work and your effrot,and so many kids have benefited from you and your work.

我的籃球生涯始於李章明教練的自行車後座,他帶着我第一次去籃球場訓練。你今年退休,我想祝賀你歷經非常成功和非常漫長的職業生涯。謝謝你的工作和努力,那麼多的孩子受益於你和你的工作。

Coach Li Qiuping you were my coach at the Shanghai led us to win so far the only CBA championship before I came to NBA,and you gave us so much and sacrifice so much in that year you lost your wife to k you for your dedication and your sacrifices to us.

李秋平教練是我在上海大鯊魚隊的教練。你帶領我們獲得迄今僅有一次的CBA冠軍,我後來就來了NBA,你付出良多,犧牲良多,那一年你的妻子因癌症離世。謝謝你的貢獻和犧牲。

I want to thank the city of Shanghai,the Shanghai Sharks and the CBA league for doing everything to encourage me,prepare me,train helped me to be ready for the next challenges in my life.

我要感謝上海市,上海大鯊魚對和CBA聯賽,你們盡一切努力鼓勵我、幫助我、訓練我,讓我爲人生中下一次挑戰做好準備。

There is old saying in China that if the mirror is made of bronze,one can dress the mirror is history,one can predict ups and the mirror is people,one can reflect on one’s own weakness and now,I would like to mention a few mirrors in my life.

中國有句老話,以銅爲鏡,可以正衣冠;以史爲鏡,可以知興替;以人爲鏡,可以明得失。現在我要提幾面我人生中的鏡子。

First,I want to mention was a basketball 80 years ago, came here to Springfield to study went back to China and dedicated his life to Chinese y,the CBA Championship Cup is named after cup is the life goal that every CBA player can dream of.

首先,我要提牟作雲,他是籃球界的傳奇。80年前,牟先生來到斯普林菲爾德學習籃球,回中國後,他把畢生精力都奉獻給中國籃球。今天,CBA聯賽盃以他的名字命名,這座獎盃是每一位CBA球員夢想的人生目標。

I am not the first Chinese man to play in the honor belongs Wang Zhi was a pioneer for all future Chinese players who dream of coming to the cleared the road for us and made so many sacrifices.I learned so much from ough he cannot be here today,I want to thank him.

我不是第一個到NBA打球的中國人,這份榮譽歸於王治郅。他是夢想到NBA打球的所有未來中國球員的先行者。他爲我們掃清了道路,做出很多犧牲。我從他那裏獲益良多。儘管他今年不能來,我還是想謝謝他。

Many people know the story that began when the Rockets drafted me in many people know how much effort the Rockets put in before I arrived and throughout my k you to Les Alexander,Michael Goldberg,Carroll Dawson,Tad Brown,Daryl Morey and Keith Jones for making me feel at home in Houston.

很多人知道故事從20xx年火箭隊選中我時開始,可不是所有人知道火箭隊在我來之前和我整個生涯中付出的努力。感謝萊斯·亞歷山大、邁克爾·戈德伯格、卡羅爾·道森、泰德·布朗、達里爾·莫雷和基斯·瓊斯,讓我在休斯頓感受到家的溫暖。

When I arrived in Houston on my first day,Steve Francis gave me a strong high five and a big hug to welcome e has been the perfect big brother to me ever since that day.

我第一天來休斯頓時,史蒂夫·弗朗西斯給了我一個大力擊掌,並深情擁抱來歡迎我,此後他一直是我的老大哥

Cuttino Mobley invited me to his home for something called“soul food.”I thought he meant salty food which confused me a little k you to Steve,Cuttino and everyone on my early Rockets teams for making me feel so welcome.

卡迪諾·莫布里請我去他家吃“靈魂食物”,我聽成了“鹹口食物”,讓我有點摸不着頭腦。謝謝史蒂夫、卡迪諾以及早年間火箭隊的`隊友,讓我感到家的感覺。

Rudy famous for saying,“Never underestimate the heart of a champion.”Rudy has demonstrated this not only on the court,but off the court too,especially in his battle with ,you have always inspired me to be the better that I can be.

魯迪·湯姆賈諾維奇有句名言:“永遠不要低估冠軍的心。”魯迪力行這一格言,不僅在場上,也在場外,尤其在他與癌症抗爭的過程中。魯迪,你一直激勵着我做到更好。

When Jeff Van Gundy arrived with Patrick Ewing and Tom Thibodeau,that coaching staff turned us into a tough defensive team,like he always does.

傑夫·范甘迪和帕特里克-尤因、湯姆·錫伯杜加入火箭後,教練組把我們變成防守強悍的隊伍,他一向如此。

With T-Mac,Shane Battier,Rafer Alston,we became a talented young team,especially with team was not only competitive,but a team with a brotherhood.

我們有麥迪、沙恩·巴蒂爾、拉夫·阿爾斯通,我們朝氣蓬勃,才華橫溢,尤其還有穆託姆博。那支隊伍不僅有競爭力,還團結友愛。

I always remember Coach Van Gundy said once that,“The best chance also could be your last.”That is true in basketball and in life.

我一直都記着范甘迪教練曾說:“最好的機會是你最後的機會。”在籃球和生活中都是這樣。

My last NBA coach was Rick helped us develop so many talented players like Carl Landry,Luis Scola and Aaron had a great run in 20xx-20xx,but unfortunately my injury cut things short and ended my time with the Rockets too soon.I will always remember my time spent with the Houston Rockets as some of the best times in my life.

我最後一個NBA教練是裏克·阿德爾曼,他爲球隊挖掘了卡爾·蘭德里、路易斯·斯科拉和阿隆·布魯克斯等天才球員。我們08-09賽季高歌猛進,但因爲我的傷痛未能走得更遠,太早結束了在火箭隊的生涯。在休斯頓火箭隊的時光我將永遠銘記,那是我生命中最好的時光之一。

As a basketball player,I was one of the most blessed players on the planet.I played against some of the best athletes in the world.

作爲籃球運動員,我是這個行星上最幸運的選手之一,我和世界上最出色的運動員交手。

A great athlete not only has great teammates,but great t opponents push us nents like Shaquille O’:Every game we played reminded me of the old saying,“What doesn’t kill you makes you stronger.”Thank you for that.

偉大的運動員不僅擁有偉大的隊友,還有偉大的對手。偉大的對手推動自己前進。像大鯊魚奧尼爾這樣的對手,我們每打一場比賽都會讓我想到一句老話:“殺不死你的讓你更強大。”謝謝。

I consider Houston my second home,so I want to say something to the people of stood by me in good and bad gave me strength to move forward.I will always consider you my family.I am a Texan and a Houston Rocket for life.

我認爲休斯頓是我第二故鄉,我想說說休斯頓人民。無論順境逆境,你們都在背後支持我。你們給了我前進的力量,我將一直把你們當做家人。這輩子,我都是德克薩斯人,我是休斯頓火箭人。

All of this would not be possible without the vision of David Stern and the k you to David Stern,Adam Silver,Kim Bohuny and everyone at the NBA for your kindness and support.

沒有大衛·斯特恩的高瞻遠矚和他建立的NBA,這一切都無從談起。謝謝斯特恩、亞當·席爾瓦、吉姆·伯哈尼和所有NBA人,謝謝你們的好意與支持。

Finally,to Team all look older and fatter than when we first met.

最後,謝謝姚之隊,我們都比初相見時更老、更胖了。

Ladies and gentlemen,I like to pay my respect to mith,to the 361 members of the Hall of Fame,and to everyone who has contributed to the game of basketball all over the world in last 125 years.

女士們,先生們,我要向奈史密斯博士和名人堂的361名成員致敬,對過去120xx年對籃球運動做出貢獻的全世界運動員致敬。

All of these individuals are stars and together they form the galaxy in the universe of game has inspired billions of people around the one of them,I will do my part to continue to help grow the great game of basketball,and we all look forward to watching the stars of tomorrow emerge and shine.

所有這些人都是星辰,他們共同組成了籃球界的浩瀚銀河。籃球運動激勵了全世界數十億人。作爲其中一員,我將盡我的努力繼續推動籃球事業發展,我們盼望着明日之星閃亮登場。

Thank you for this great k you.

謝謝給我這份榮譽,謝謝。

名人英語演講稿5

Dstinguished judges, teachers, dear friends:

Hello, everyone! My name is cheng _iang yan , I am a junior student come from life science institution y, I am very glad to stand here and share with you my most sincere speech‘Flying youth, master our future!’

Life is a process of growing up. Saying goodbye to childhood, we step into another important time of life in the pace of young, facing new situations, dealing with different problems.....

However, who can really say what the youth is ? A period of time? A belief?An attitude to life? Or anything else? actually, everyone has his ownunderstanding of young, it is a period of time of beauty and wonders, only after you have e_perienced the sour , sweet ,bitter and salty, can you really become a person of significance.

Just like A famous poet said ‘ youth is a lovely song ,where nothing is impossible ,youth is a meaningful book, you’ll be never bored of it ;youth is a rapid river ,it keeps on flowing day and night ;youth is a cup of tea ,it shows you different kinds of tastes in your life.

As youth is so precious, of course, we must treasure it ’t let the limited time pass by, grasping the young will means a better time is waiting for you in the near future.

So,It’s necessary for us to prepare ourselves well for the future to come. having a view on those great men in the history of hunman being, they all made full use of their youth time to do things that are useful to society, to the whole mankind, and as a consequence ,they are remembered by later generations, admired by everyone. so do something in the time of young, although you may not get achievements as these greatmen did ,though not for the whole world, just for youeself, for those around! So, what should we do when we are young? Here,I’ll point out some tips to help equip ourselves.

First of all,think of what you’d like to be some day. A teacher ? A doctor ? A writer? Don’t afraid of dreaming of big and great e you are young , you can dream of doing anything and becoming anyone in the future. What’s more , never ignore the power of knowledge. Read more books and travel around. For one thing, it can increase your knowledge, for another, it’ll broaden your horizon.

Last but not the least , stick to your dream. It easier said than done. After all, future is not all roses. young is just like blooming flowers, they are so beautiful when blooming, which make people feel happy, but with time passing by, after they withers ,most people think they are ugly. and so it is the same with young, we are enthusiastic when we are young, then we may lose our passion when getting older and older. So we should have enough courage and determination to overcome all the difficulties in struggling on the road.

I firmly believe one sentence that‘If you think you can, of course you can!’Just believe we can make it! Keep on walking towards our dream. Flying youth , master our future. From today, from now on , are you Ready ? That’s all. Thank you so much for your attention !

名人英語演講稿6

Harry S. Truman: "The Truman Doctrine"

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:

The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.

Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory. Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid. But these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.

The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.

We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.

It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

Greek's neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.

Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East. The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.

I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.

The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East. Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.

We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel. Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.

This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace. The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

We must keep that hope alive.

The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.

Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

名人英語演講稿7

everyone is attracted by beauty and beauty is powerful. but what is true beauty? perhaps you can get the answer from the following story.

this morning i went to the market to buy some vegetables with my parents. on the way we all highly praised a young man in western-style clothes and leather shoes who was riding by. but he rode so fast that he knocked an old lady down ead of stopping, he pretended not to see this and rode away quickly. we were all very angry with the young man. to our happiness, a girl in plain dress ran forward at once, helped the lady up and took her home. we all praised the girl.

from this we know we cannot judge a person by his appearance. a person who is dressed beautifully may not have a beautiful soul. only a person who has a beautiful soul is really beautiful.

名人英語演講稿8

as everyone knows, english is very important today. it has been used everywhere in the world. it has become the most common language on internet and for international trade. if we can speak english well, we will have more chance to succeed. because more and more people have taken notice of it, the number of the people who go to learn english has increased at a gh for myself, i learn english not only because of its importance and its usefulness, but also because of my love for it. when i learn english, i can feel a different way of tnking wch gives me more room to touch the world. when i read english novels, i can feel the pleasure from the book wch is different from reading the translation. when i speak english, i can feel the confident from my words. when i write english, i can see the beauty wch is not the same as our cnese...i love english, it gives me a colorful dream. i hope i can travel around the world one day. with my good english, i can make friends with many people from different countries. i can see many places of great intrests. i dream that i can go to london, because it is the birth place of english.i also want to use my good english to introduce our great places to the english spoken people, i hope that they can love our country like us.i know, rome was not built in a day. i believe that after continuous hard study, one day i can speak english very you want to be loved, you should learn to love and be lovable. so i believe as i love english everyday , it will love me too.i am sure that i will realize my dream one day!thank you!

名人英語演講稿9

Hi everybody.

Beauty usually refers to what appeals to the eye. A nice and well built girl is regarded as beautiful. A bunch of vigorous flowers are also considered as beautiful. A splendid waterfall coming down from a mountain is as well looked on as beautiful.

Beauty also refers to what appeals to the mind. The virtue of the Chinese nation-industry and bravery are taken as beautiful, because it helped to produce such a magnificent culture in the world. Einstein's theory of relativity is also perceived as beautiful, for it explains many natural phenomena so perfectly.

Beauty is around us. If you keep an eye or pay some attention, it is never difficult to find something beautiful somewhere about you. Wonderful natural spots, historical relics,fine arts, splendid buildings, and kind people are just a few inches away.

thank you.

名人英語演講稿10

As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. We're grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. We're grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.

We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

The Thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw America's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

The greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. We're fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. We're grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.

Like generations before them, today's armed forces have liberated captive peoples and shown compassion for the suffering and delivered hope to the oppressed. In the past year, they have fought the terrorists abroad so that we do not have to face those enemies here at home. They've captured a brutal dictator, aided last month's historic election in Afghanistan, and help set Iraq on the path to democracy.

Our progress in the war on terror has made our country safer, yet it has also brought new burdens to our military families. Many servicemen and women have endured long deployments and painful separations from home. Families have faced the challenge of raising children while praying for a loved one's safe return. America is grateful to all our military families, and the families mourning a terrible loss this Thanksgiving can know that America will honor their sacrifices forever.

As Commander-in-Chief, I've been honored to thank our troops at bases around the world, and I've been inspired by the efforts of private citizens to express their own gratitude. This month, I met Shauna Fleming, a 15-year-old from California who coordinated the mailing of a million thank you letters to military personnel. In October, I met Ken Porwoll, a World War II veteran who has devoted years of his retirement to volunteering at a VA medical center in Minneapolis. And we've seen the generosity of so many organizations, like Give2theTroops, a group started in a basement by a mother and son that has sent thousands of care packages to troops in the field.

Thanksgiving reminds us that America's true strength is the compassion and decency of our people. I thank all those who volunteer this season, and Laura and I wish every American a happy and safe Thanksgiving weekend.

Thank you for listening.

名人英語演講稿11

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free." And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

名人英語演講稿12

i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time comes when silence is betrayal." and that time has come for us in relation to vietnam.

the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr. king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

名人英語演講稿13

a man who lived in a block of apartments thought it was raining and put his head out the window to check. as he did so a glaeye fell into his hand.

he looked up to see where it came from in time to see a young woman looking down.

"is this yours?" he asked.

she said, "yes, could you bring it up?" and the man agreed.

on arrival she was profuse in her thanks and offered the man a drink. as she was very attractive he agreed. shortly afterwards she said, "i'm about to have dinner. there's plenty. would you like to join me?"

he readily accepted her offer and both enjoyed a lovely meal. as the evening was drawing to a close the lady said, "i've had a marvelous evening. would you like to stay the night?"

the man hesitated then said, "do you act like this with every man you meet?"

"no," she replied, "only those who catch my eye."

名人英語演講稿14

i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time comes when silence is betrayal." and that time has come for us in relation to vietnam.

the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr. king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

名人英語演講稿15

i have a dreamevery one has s own dream. when i was a little kid ,my dream was even to have a candy shop of my own now ,when i am 16 years old ,standing here ,my dreams have already changed a lot.i have got quite different experience from other girls. wle they were playing toys at home, wle they were dreaming to be the princesses in the story .i was running in the hard rain, jumping in the heavy snow, pitcng in the strong wind. notng could stop me ,because of a wonderful call from my heart -- to be an athlete. yeah ,of course ,i'm an athlete, i'm so proud of that all the time i was 10 years old ,i became a shot-put athlete. the training was really hard ,i couldn't bear the heavy shot in my hands i always believe that "god only help those who help themselves". during those hard days, i find i was growing more quickly than others of the same age. to be an athlete is my most correct choice. but, i quit my team after entering gh school because of a silly excuse. i really didn't want to stop my sports career y i say to you my friends that even though i must face the difficulties of yesterday ,today and tomorrow .i still have a dream is a dream deeply rooted in my soul.i have a dream that one day ,i can run, jump and pitch just like i used to be.i have a dream that one day , i can go back to my dream sports and join the national team.i have a dream that one day ,i can stand on the ghest place at the olympicgames. with all the cameras pointing at me. i will tell everyone that i'm so proud to be a cnese athlete!ts is my hope is the faith that i continue my steps with!!!with ts faith ,i will live though the strong wind and heavy rain ,never give up !so let victory ring from my heart, from all of you. when we allow victory to ring .i must be the one!in my imagination, i'm a bird ,a magical bird. i carry my dreams all with me by my big wings. i fly though the mountains ,though the forests ,over the sea, to the sun ,the warmest place in the aerospace!every night ,i have a dream ,i see a girl ---smiling~